Many years ago now, in the 1990s, historian Geoff Wade translated the information about Southeast Asia in the Ming shilu (Veritable Records of the Ming), and then in the 2000s that information was put online (https://epress.nus.edu.sg/msl/). Meanwhile, the Chinese text of the Ming shilu is also available online (https://hanchi.ihp.sinica.edu.tw/mql/login.html).
One of the places that is mentioned in the Ming shilu is Sanfoqi 三佛齊, a place which scholars have long argued is a Chinese term for “Srivijaya,” a name which scholars have long believed indicated a polity on the island of Sumatra based primarily at Palembang.
For the past five+ years, I have been arguing that Sanfoqi is literally the name “Kambuja,” and that it referred to a place in the area of what is now Cambodia.
The main piece of information that theoretically challenges what I have argued is information in the accounts written by two men who participated in the Zheng He voyages in the early fifteenth century, Ma Huan and Fei Xin. In both of their accounts, it is recorded that a place called Old Harbor was formerly Sanfoqi.
Off the coast of Sumatra, near Palembang, was a place that Chinese mariners called “Old Harbor.” In this area is where an inscription mentioning “Srivijaya” was found. And it is the co-existence of this textual and inscriptional information that has led scholars to connect Sanfoqi with a proposed Srivijaya at Palembang.
However, as I wrote in my second article on this topic, there were other “Old Harbors” in Southeast Asia, which is not surprising given that this is a generic name. Further, there are major problems with the writings of Ma Huan and Fei Xin, as contemporary sources, like the Ryukuan Rekidai hōan, show that Sanfoqi was not an old name for Old Harbor, but that these were coterminous entities. Hence, if something that basic eluded Ma Huan and Fei Xin, men whom we should also note participated in voyages that did not visit Sanfoqi, then we should be careful in trusting their accounts, accounts that were not completed/published until many years after their visits, and which were possibly altered in later versions.
I talk about all of this in my second article, however for anyone interested, I’m reproducing here the information in the Ming shilu about Sanfoqi. There are a few other entries that mention Sanfoqi, but they do not provide historical information. They are in entries that contain more general information about the vassals of the Ming.
I’m using Geoff Wade’s translations but have added some notes concerning how I understand some of the names. For a fuller understanding of why I think that way, please consult the second article that I wrote on this topic.
1371 (19 October). Hongwu: Year 4, Month 9, Day 11 (洪武四年九月11日).
三佛齊國王馬哈剌扎八剌卜遣其臣玉的力馬罕亦里牙思（玉的力馬罕亦里牙思:中本玉作王。）奉金表來朝貢黑熊火雞（貢黑熊火雞:抱本火作大，誤。明史 三佛齊傳作火。）孔雀五色鸚鵡及諸香兜羅綿被苾布等物先是遣趙述等使其國告以即位建元平定朔漠之意至是述還其國遣使隨述入貢詔賜馬哈剌扎八剌卜大統曆織金紗羅文綺使臣羅綺有差
The minister Yu-di-li-ma-han-yi-li-ya-si, who had been sent by Ma-ha-la-zha Ba-la-bu [Maharaja Prabhu], the king of San-fo-qi, presented a memorial of gold, came to Court and offered tribute of black bears, cassowaries (火雞), peacocks, multicoloured parrots, all sorts of aromatics, “tula” brocaded coverlets, “bi” cloth and other products. Previously, Zhao Shu and others had been sent to this country to advise of the Emperor’s accession to the throne and the founding of a new dynasty as well as of the intention to pacify the Northern deserts. At this time, Shu returned and this country sent an envoy to accompany him and come to offer tribute. It was Imperially commanded that the calendar Da Tong Li as well as silk gauzes and patterned fine silks interwoven with gold thread be conferred upon Ma-ha-la-zha Ba-la-bu and that the envoy be given silk gauzes and fine silks as appropriate.
Note: Maharaja Prabhu is a generic title. While the term “prabhu” was used in Cambodia, it does not appear to have been employed to refer to kings. The limited evidence from inscriptions that I have been able to locate dates to centuries before the time we are examining and suggests that this term was employed to indicate someone who was “chief of” or “in charge of” a local administrative unit, such as a “district head” (prabhū viṣaya). By contrast, we can see from the fifteenth-century Waringin Pitu inscription that this term was used by Javanese as one of the terms for a king.
1371 (5 November). Hongwu: Year 4, Month 9, Day 28 (洪武四年九月28日).
丁丑戶部言高麗三佛齊 入貢其高麗海舶至太（倉） 三佛齊海舶至泉州海口並請征其貨詔勿征
The Ministry of Revenue reported that Korea and San-fo-qi had come to offer tribute, noting that the Korean ship had berthed at Tai-cang and that the ship from San-fo-qi had berthed at the port of Quan-zhou. The ministry requested permission to tax their goods. It was Imperially commanded that the goods not be taxed.
1374 (5 February) Hongwu: Year 6, Month 12, Day 24 (洪武六年十二月24日).
三佛齊國王怛麻來沙那阿者遣其臣八蹄足翰等來進金表二通賀明年正旦并貢方物命賜其國王織金文綺 (織金文綺:嘉本金作錦。) 紗羅雜綵二十四匹其臣八蹄足翰等三人文綺紗羅各二匹衣一襲副使薛里哇等二人綺羅各一匹通事以下布帛有差
The minister Ba-ti Zu-han [Patih Zuhan] and others who had been sent by Da-ma-lai-sha-na-a-zhe [Dharmasokarajara], the king of the country of San-fo-qi, presented two gold memorials in felicitation on the coming New Years’s Day. He also offered tribute of local products. It was ordered that 24 bolts of patterned fine silks, silk gauzes and variegated silks interwoven with gold thread be conferred upon the king of the country, that two bolts of patterned fine silks and two bolts of silk gauzes as well as a set of clothing be conferred upon each of his three ministers, including Ba-ti Zu-han, that a bolt of fine silk and one of silk gauze be conferred upon both the deputy envoy Xue-li-wa and one other, and that the interpreter and their subordinates be given silk and cloth as appropriate.
Notes: Patih Zuhan – The “patih” here comes from a Sanskrit term for master or lord, “pati,” and was used as a title in Khmer, Cham, Malay, and Javanese. We therefore cannot determine this man’s ethnicity.
Dharmasokarajara – In two later entries, this name is rendered as “Da-ma-sha-na-a-zhe” 怛麻沙那阿者 which is a closer approximation of Dharmasokarajara than the “Da-ma-lai-sha-na-a-zhe” in this initial entry. I think the “lai” in this first entry is an error. This name perfectly matches the name of a Cambodian king from this period, Thommeasokareach.
1374 (Oct/Nov 3 December) Hongwu: Year 7, Month 9, Day 28 (洪武七年九月28日).
三佛齊國王麻那答寶林邦遣其臣沒那遐噔等進表貢方物命賜其國王大統曆織金文綺羅共四十匹
In this month, the minister Mo-na-xia-deng [Bendara (of) Deng] and others, who had been sent by Ma-na-da Bao-lin-bang [Bendara of the Baolin Polity], the king of the country of San-fo-qi, presented a memorial and offered tribute of local products. It was ordered that the calendar Da Tong Li and 40 bolts of patterned fine silks and silk gauzes interwoven with gold thread be conferred upon the king, that two bolts each of fine silks and silk gauzes as well as a set of clothing be conferred upon the principal envoy, that a bolt of patterned fine silk be conferred upon the deputy envoy and that a bolt of Korean cloth be conferred upon each of the attendants.
Note: It is often the case that when the same foreign title was recorded in the names of different people, the Chinese would record the title slightly differently each time, perhaps because they viewed it as a name, rather than a title, and wished to differentiate between different peoples. Hence, in the Ming shilu we can find the title “Maharaja” written variously as Mahela-zha (two different ways as 馬哈剌扎 and 馬哈剌吒), as well as Mahela-cha 馬哈剌查 and Mahela-zhe 馬哈剌者.
Similarly, there is another title that appears variously as Mana-da 麻那答, Mana-zhe 麻那者, Mana-re 麻那惹 and Mo-na-xia 沒那遐. I think that this was an attempt to replicate the Old Javanese term “bendara” (bendahara in Old Malay). However, if someone can come up with a convincing alternative, I’m willing to be persuaded otherwise.
As such, what Wade has here as “Mo-na-xia-deng” could possibly be “Bendara [of?] Deng,” and “Ma-na-da Bao-lin-bang” would be the “Bendara of the Baolin Polity” (Read my articles [here and here] to see why “Bal-lin-bang” cannot possibly be understood to mean “Palembang.”).
1375 (February/March 29 January) Hongwu: Year 8, Month 1, Day 27 (洪武八年正月27日).
溫州颶風雷雨大作海水溢漂廬舍壞舟船人死者衆高麗占城暹羅斛日本爪哇三佛齊等國皆遣使入貢(遣使入貢:中本貢下有「上命禮部宴之，仍命各賜文綺有差」十四字。)
In this month, envoys sent by the countries of Korea, Champa, Siam (Hu), Japan, Java and San-fo-qi came to offer tribute.
1375 (24 October) Hongwu: Year 8, Month 9, Day 29 (洪武八年九月29日).
丙戌三佛齊國王僧伽烈宇蘭（僧伽烈宇蘭:嘉本宇作字，疑誤。）遣其臣談蒙馬哈麻等從招諭拂菻國朝使普剌等來朝表貢方物詔賜其王織金文綺紗羅二十四匹使臣綺羅各二匹譯使從者人賜帛一匹
The minister Tan-meng Ma-ha-ma and others who had been sent by Seng Jia-lie Yu-lan [Sang Arya Yulan], the king of the country of San-fo-qi, accompanied Pu-la, the Court envoy who had been sent to instruct the country of Fu-lin, and came to Court, presented a memorial and offered tribute of local products. It was Imperially commanded that 24 bolts of patterned fine silks and silk gauzes interwoven with gold thread be conferred upon the king, that two bolts each of fine silks and silk gauzes be conferred upon the envoy and that a bolt of silk be conferred upon each of the interpreters and attendants.
Note: Sang Arya Yulan – The “jialie” 伽烈 in Seng Jialie is a Javanese title of nobility, “arya.” Also written as “yalie” 亞烈 in Chinese, this title was often preceded by an honorific marker, “sang,” written as “seng” 僧 in Chinese, to create the title, “sang arya.” Hence, this is definitely a Javanese term.
1377 (13 September) Hongwu: Year 10, Month 8, Day 11 (洪武十年八月11日).
三佛齊國王怛麻沙那阿者卒子麻那者巫里立遣其臣生阿烈足諫奉表請印綬貢犀牛黑熊火鷄紅綠鸚鵡白猴（白猴:抱本猴作猿。）龜筒及胡椒丁香木香肉豆蔻（豆蔻:廣本嘉本豆作荳。）番油子米腦等又貢小番奴一人詔賜麻那者巫里及其臣生阿烈足諫等金織文綺紗羅靴韈等物有差
Da-ma-sha-na-a-zhe [Dharmasokarajara/Thommeasokareach], the king of the country of San Fo-ji had died and his son Ma-na-zhe Wu-li [Bendara Wuli] had ascended the throne. The minister Sheng A-lie Zu-jian [Seng Arya Zujian], who had been sent by the latter, presented a memorial requesting a seal of office and offered as tribute a rhinoceros, black bears, cassowaries, red and green parrots, white monkeys, turtle shells as well as pepper, cloves, putchuk, cinnamon, aromatic oils and “rice” camphor. Also offered in tribute was one small fan slave. It was Imperially ordered that patterned fine silks and silk gauzes interwoven with gold thread, boots, socks and other goods, as appropriate, be conferred upon Ma-na-zhe Wu-li, his minister Sheng A-lie Zu-jian and the others.
1377 (30 November) Hongwu: Year 10, Month 10, Day 29 (洪武十年十月29日).
遣使齎詔印立三佛齊 國王嗣子麻那者巫里為 三佛齊 國王印用駝鈕(印用駝鈕:廣本鈕作紐。)銀質鍍以金詔略曰朕自混一區宇嘗遣使詔諭諸番(嘗遣使詔諭諸番:廣本詔作招。)爾 三佛齊 國王怛麻沙那阿者即稱臣入貢于茲有年今秋使者齎表至知怛麻沙那阿者薨逝爾麻那者巫里以嫡子當嗣王位不敢擅立請命于朝可謂賢矣朕嘉爾誠是用遣使賜以 三佛齊國王之印爾當善撫邦民永為多福
An envoy was sent with a proclamation and a seal with which to enfeoff Ma-na-zhe Wu-li [Bendara Wuli], the heir to the king of the country of San-fo-qi, as the king of the country of San-fo-qi. The seal was decorated with the form of a camel, and was of silver, plated with gold. In brief, the orders read: “When I unified the world, I sent envoys with proclamations of instruction to all the fan. San-fo-qi, your king Da-ma-sha-na-a-zhe [Dharmasokarajara/Thommeasokareach] recognized himself as a subject and came to offer tribute. This continued for some years. This Autumn, an envoy arrived with a memorial and I learned of Da-ma-sha-na-a-zhe’s death and that you, Ma-na-zhe Wu-li, as the eldest son of the principal wife, were the heir to the throne. You did not dare to ascend the throne without authority and thus you asked for orders from the Court. This can be considered virtuous. I am pleased with your loyalty and thus am sending an envoy to confer upon you the seal of the king of the country of San-fo-qi. You should do well in cherishing the people of the state, as thereby you will long enjoy great prosperity.”
1380 (23 November) Hongwu: Year 13, Month 10, Day 20 (洪武十三年十月20日).
爪哇國王八達那巴那務遣其臣阿烈彛烈時奉金葉表入貢使者留月餘遣還因詔諭其國王曰聖人之治天下四海內外皆為赤子所以廣一視同仁之心朕君主華夷撫御之道遠邇無間爾邦僻居海島頃嘗遣使中國雖云脩貢實則慕利朕皆推誠以禮待焉前者三佛齊國王遣使奉表來請印綬朕嘉其慕義遣使賜之所以懷柔遠人爾柰何設為姦計誘使者而殺害之豈爾恃險遠故敢肆侮如是歟今使者來本欲拘留以其父母妻子之戀夷夏則一朕推此心特令歸國爾二王當省己自修端秉誠敬毋蹈前非干怒中國則可以守富貴其或不然自致殃咎悔將無及矣
The minister A-lie Yi-lie-shi [Arya Yilieshi], who had been sent by Ba-da-na Ba-na-wu [Bhattara Prabhu], the king of the country of Java, presented a gold-leaf memorial and offered tribute. The envoy was detained for a month-plus and then sent home. Thereupon, an Imperial proclamation of instruction was sent to the king of the country, noting: “The rule of the Sage, throughout all under Heaven and within and outside the four seas, is intended for the benefit of the people. Thus, in his heart, the Sage looks on all equally. I rule the Chinese and the yi [barbarians], and in governing them I make no distinction between the near and the far. Your land is secluded on an island in the ocean. Recently, you sent an envoy to China and, although he said he was offering tribute, he was actually seeking profit. I treated him with propriety in order to promote loyalty. Previously, the envoy sent by the king of the country of San-fo-qi sent an envoy to present a memorial and request a seal of office. I was pleased with his desire for righteousness and sent an envoy to confer this on him. This was intended to show kindness to the distant peoples. Why did you make an evil plan, lure the envoy away and kill him? How can you, relying on your location in an isolated distant place, dare to insult and act outrageously like this? When your envoy arrived, I originally wished to detain him. However, the love of fathers, mothers, wives and children is the same among yi as among the Chinese, and with this thought in mind, I especially ordered that he be returned home. You two kings should pay attention to self-cultivation and act loyally and respectfully. Do not act wrongly like you did in the past, or anger or offend China. Only thus will your prosperity be guaranteed. If you act against this instruction, you will bring upon yourself calamity and misfortune and repentance will be of no avail.”
1397 (18 September) Hongwu: Year 30, Month 8, Day 27 (洪武三十年八月27日).
丙午禮部奏諸番國使臣客旅不通 上曰洪武初海外諸番與中國往來使臣不絕啇賈便之近者安南占城真臘暹羅爪哇大琉球三佛齊 渤尼彭亨百花蘇門荅剌西洋邦哈剌等凡三十國以胡惟庸 謀亂 三佛齊 乃生間諜紿我使臣至彼爪哇國王聞知其事戒飭 三佛齊 禮送還朝是後使臣啇旅阻絕諸國王之意遂尔不通惟安南占城真臘暹羅大琉球自入貢以來至今來庭大琉球王與其宰臣皆遣子弟入我中國受學凡諸番國使臣來者皆以禮待之我待諸番國之意不薄但未知諸國之心若何今欲遣使諭爪哇國恐 三佛齊 中途阻之聞 三佛齊 係爪哇統属爾禮部備述朕意移文暹羅國王令遣人轉達爪哇知之于是禮部咨暹羅國王曰自有天地以來即有君臣上下之分且有中國四夷之禮自古皆然我朝混一之初海外諸番莫不來庭豈意胡惟庸 造亂 三佛齊 乃生間諜紿我信使肆行巧詐彼豈不知大琉球王與其宰臣皆遣子弟入我中國受學 皇上錫寒暑之衣有疾則命醫診之 皇上之心仁義兼盡矣 皇上一以仁義待諸番國何 三佛齊 諸國背大恩而失君臣之禮據有一蕞之土欲與中國抗衡倘 皇上震怒使一偏將將十萬眾越海問罪如覆手耳何不思之甚乎 皇上嘗曰安南占城真臘暹羅大琉球皆修臣職惟 三佛齊 梗我聲教夫智者憂未然勇者能徙義彼 三佛齊 以蕞爾之國而持姦於諸國之中可謂不畏禍者矣爾暹羅王獨守臣節我 皇上眷愛如此可轉達爪哇俾其以大義告於 三佛齊 三佛齊係爪哇統屬其言彼必信或能改過從善則與諸國咸禮遇之如初勿自疑也
The Ministry of Rites memorialized that the envoys and traders from the various fan countries were no longer coming to China. The Emperor said: “In the beginning of the Hong-wu reign, the various fan [foreign/barbarian] countries had intercourse with China. The envoys came continually and the merchants took advantage of this situation. In recent times, such countries have totaled 30, including Annam, Champa, Cambodia, Siam, Java, Greater Ryukyu, San-fo-qi, Bo-ni, Pahang, Bai-hua, Samudera, Xi-yang and Bengal. Making use of Hu Wei-yong’s planned rebellion, San-fo-qi created discord (生間諜) and deceived our envoys into going there. The king of Java, hearing of this matter, admonished San-fo-qi and required it to courteously escort the envoys back to China. After this, the envoys and merchants were stopped from coming and the thoughts of the kings of the various countries have not been reaching me. Only Annam, Champa, Cambodia, Siam and Greater Ryukyu have continued to come to Court and offer tribute as before. The king and prime minister of Greater Ryukyu have both sent their sons to receive education in China. The envoys of all fan countries have been treated with respect when they come to China and I have not been mean in my treatment of the foreign countries. However, I do not know what is in their hearts. Now I wish to send an envoy to instruct the country of Java, but I am afraid that San-fo-qi will intercept him. I have heard that San-fo-qi is subject to Java (爪哇統屬). You, Minister of Rites, should record my wishes and send a despatch to the king of the country of Siam, ordering him to send someone to transmit it to Java for its advice.”
Thus, the Ministry of Rites wrote a despatch to the king of the country of Siam, noting: “Since there has been Heaven and Earth, there has been division between ruler and subject, greater and lesser. China’s relationship with the yi in the four directions has, since ancient times, also been governed by ritual. Initially, after our dynasty had unified all, there were no fan who did not come to Court. Who would have thought that Hu Wei-yong would have engaged in rebellion or that San-fo-qi would have sown discord, deceived our envoys and engaged in guile! But who does not know that the king and the prime minister of Greater Ryukyu have sent their sons and younger brothers to receive our Chinese education, that the Emperor gave them winter and summer clothing and that when they were ill he sent doctors to examine them. The Emperor’s heart is greatly imbued with both benevolence and righteousness. The Emperor employs benevolence and righteousness in his treatment of the various fan countries. How could San-fo-qi and the other countries turn their backs on Heaven’s grace and discard the ruler-subject relationship? They occupy a petty piece of land and want to contend with China. If the Emperor is angered, he can send a general with 100,000 men to cross the seas and mete out punishment. It would be as easy as turning the palm. How terribly unthinking they are! The Emperor has said: ‘Annam, Champa, Cambodia, Siam and Greater Ryukyu all fulfil their tributary functions. Only San-fo-qi obstructs our culture. The wise concern themselves with the future and the valiant move towards virtue. But San-fo-qi, this petty country, supports evil people. Of all the countries, it can be said that this one least fears calamity!’ You king of Siam are still able to carry out the duties of a subject. Thus the Emperor would especially appreciate it if you would pass this on to Java, so that it can inform San-fo-qi of the Great Precepts of Right Conduct. San-fo-qi is a subject of Java and will trust its words. If they are able to change their ways and follow the correct path, then together with all the countries, they will be treated with propriety like before, and will not have to be filled with apprehension.”
Again, I try to put this information in context and interpret it in this article.
While this article provides a more general background and demonstrates that the historical information in Chinese sources does not place Sanfoqi on Sumatra, but instead, in Cambodia.
It’s not relevant, but will you reconsider re-formatting your old posts? [This](https://leminhkhaiblog.com/the-east-asian-context-of-ly-dynasty-buddhism/), for example, is having their Hanzi paragraph corrupted.
Thanks for pointing this out. Yes, this site is a mess. However, I have older posts archive on a wordpress.com site. You can find that post here: https://leminhkhai.wordpress.com/2023/11/19/the-east-asian-context-of-ly-dynasty-buddhism/